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Commemorative head of a Queen Mother
From Benin, Nigeria, early 16th century AD 2
Introduction
What is African art? If the answer seems self-evident, this is probably
because the concept rests on assumptions which we seldom think to
question. This booklet aims to provide both background information on the
range of artwork created in Africa and also address some of the issues and
questions which arise from any attempt to define African art.
The booklet begins by considering what is meant by ‘African’, goes on to
look at some of the things Africans actually do and make, and then asks
how such things reflect upon activities which the West understands as ‘Art’.
The booklet is designed as a resource to support the teaching of art at all
Key Stages. It takes a cross-curricular approach which looks at the historical
and cultural context of art in Africa, and what it means to the West.
Examples of some of the African objects on display at the British Museum
can be found on COMPASS - the British Museum’s web-based collections.
This be accessed either via the main British Museum website
www.thebritishmuseum.ac.uk or directly at
www.thebritishmuseum.ac.uk/compass
Information about visiting the British Museum to view the African galleries
can be found on the main Museum website.
Ben Burt
Department of Africa, Oceania and the Americas
The British Museum 3
1 What is African?
We might begin by considering what, or who, is African? Is it just a matter
of geography, of living in the continent of Africa? If so, should African
include the peoples from other continents who have migrated there over
centuries? Europeans have been settling in southern Africa since the 17th
century. Some of these people do indeed call themselves ‘Afrikaans’, but
they have clung to a cultural identity very different from those who were
there before them, and their artefacts are certainly not represented in
museum collections and books on African art. Going further back, there are
the peoples of north Africa whose ancestors brought the culture and
religion of Islam from the southwest Asia (Europe’s ‘Middle East’) in the 7th
century. And long before that, people were coming across the
Mediterranean under the Roman Empire in the first century BC, and with
the Greek and Phoenician traders and colonisers several hundred years
earlier. The Mediterranean was a highway for the spread of cultures
between Africa, Asia and Europe. Perhaps this is why museum curators and
art historians have tended to group North African cultures of various
periods with classical Europe, Islamic and oriental civilisations.
If cultures are to be identified by their place of origin, should the people of
Madagascar be regarded as African, when they have ancestors from
Indonesia, India and Arabia who began trading, migrating and intermarrying
along the east African coasts at least 1,500 years ago? And what of the
cultural traditions which people already in Africa have adopted from
visitors and invaders from overseas, such as the Christian and Muslim
religions, as long established in Africa as in most parts of Asia and Europe?
Africa has had wide-ranging historical and cultural links with other
continents since ancient times. But what about the civilisation which
originated in Africa more than 5,000 years ago and flourished there
continuously for 3,000 years? Objects from ancient Egypt fill countless
museum cases; should they not also feature in exhibitions and books of
African art? Is Africa really a cultural entity at all?
2 Who defines Africa?
And then there are the people of African ancestry who have moved to live
elsewhere. The greatest emigration from Africa came about with the age of
European expansion which has transformed the world during the last 500 4
years. It was the trans-Atlantic export trade in African slave-labour,
promoting the economic development of Europe and the countries settled
by people from that continent, which established the commercial
economies of the Americas and their black populations. Generations later,
descendants of these forced migrants have migrated again, many to
Europe, in their own search for the prosperity founded upon that trade and
the industrial development which succeeded it. With such a recent history,
it has not been easy for people of this African diaspora to hold on to a
culture which is distinctly African. Many have long sought to regain or
reconstruct a culture and identity for their own time and place, deriving
more from Africa and less from the European culture they have had to
share on unequal terms for so long. Who is to say how African their culture
is?
As far as culture and art is concerned, ‘African’ so often seems to be defined
by people who are not African, including museum curators and art
historians who identify themselves and their own cultural heritage as
unambiguously European. This includes people from far beyond Europe,
and some of the finest collections, publications and scholars of African art
are to be found in North America. Peoples and cultures do indeed travel,
and that continent now shares a Western cultural and artistic tradition
which traces its origins to Europe. Considering how many North Americans
have African ancestry, we might also consider whether the artists among
them are creating African art. If they are, maybe being African is more than
just a matter of geography. If they are not, this may have something to tell
us about the way Europeans and Africans have influenced not only each
other’s culture, but also their definitions of cultural identity.
Africa is a diverse continent of many cultures, but one experience shared by
the vast majority of its people and emigrants, is life under political and
economic systems developed by Europeans and still dominated by them.
For many of them, identifying with Africa has been a way of uniting to
assert the right to self determination. So whoever is defined by, can
African identity, African culture and African art avoid reflecting Africa’s
relationship with the West?
5
3 Where does African Art come from?
Insofar as Africa has been defined by its relationship to the West, so has its
art, and we can begin by looking at how Western art historians and
museum curators came to identity African art. It is now 500 years since
European voyages around the world began to bring home goods and
information from other continents. 250 years ago some of the artefacts
they obtained in Africa were being included among the ‘artificial curiosities’
in the developing collections of the newly formed British Museum. But it
was not until the late 19th century that Europeans, especially
anthropologists, began to treat some of these things as ‘art’.
Scholars then were interested particularly in trying to explain how they
cultures of the world had developed and spread to produce what they
regarded as the pinnacle of human achievement, the European culture of
their day. Among the other peoples of world, some, including most
inhabitants of Africa, were taken to represent ‘savage’ or ‘primitive’ stages
of cultural development, and insofar as their artefacts seemed to be
versions of the arts which were a mark of so-called ‘civilisation’, these
became ‘primitive art’.
In American museums these cultures were often classified with ‘natural
history’, but in the British Museum they came under the loose heading of
‘ethnography’. In either case this distinguished them from the civilisations
of Europe, Asia and parts of Africa such as Egypt and the Arab states of
North Africa. Later generations of Europeans, more cautious about
insulting people by calling them ‘primitive’, have adopted words like ‘tribal’
or ‘ethnic’. How far this represents a change of attitude is another
question, especially when so many writers feel the need to fall back on
expressions like ‘so-called primitive’.
As the colonial conquest of Africa proceeded during the 19th century, more
and more African artefacts appeared in the museums and art markets of
Europe. The idea of African art received a big boost in the 1890s when
hundreds of fine brass sculptures, looted during the British conquest of
Benin City in Nigeria, were sold on the open market, and many found their
way into the British Museum.
Later colonial adventurers continued to bring new surprises as they shipped
back to Europe large collections of exotic artefacts in styles which 6
Europeans had never seen before. Some of this was also loot from military
expeditions, but much more was purchased from people who prized the
wealth and exotic goods of Europe more than their familiar local products.
Some African artefacts were presented to colonial administrators,
missionaries and residents. Some were purchased, with detailed
documentation by anthropologists, other by expatriate residents, collectors
and art dealers. Such people have all contributed to the collections of the
British Museum.
4 What does the West see in African Art?
For a long time African artefacts in Europe, unlike European and Asian
‘works of art’, were of more interest to anthropologists than to art
historians. Then in the 1900s the avant garde art movement in Paris began
to take an interest in sculpture from West and Central Africa, which came
to the notice of art historians through its influence on their work. What
was its appeal? Artists described their perceptions of remarkable formal
qualities quite different from those in their own cultural tradition. They
read into them the kinds of symbolic meanings they were seeking to
express in their own work, promoting the view that Africans could create
art, but of a very particular kind. To those struggling against the
constraints of the naturalistic artistic tradition of Europe, such African art
offered a refreshing and potent vision of the creativity of ‘natural man’,
which scholars had already compared to the work of children or psychotics.
This was particularly appealing to those seeking creative inspiration from
impulses which their own culture defined as psychologically deep, intuitive
and primitive. But such interpretations were founded on a myth of
‘primitive man’ which explains more about the Western culture which
created it than the other cultures it has been applied to.
Myths of the primitive serve as imagined alternatives which may both
justify and challenge Western culture, or ‘civilisation’ as it is often defined.
In various times and places these myths have employed either demonic
images of childlike but bestial savages and ignorant, backward peasants, or
utopian visions of noble savages and primal, tribal peoples living in
harmony with nature. The more unpleasant stereotypes have supported
self-serving historical theories about Western domination. These have
ranged from the ‘manifest destiny’ and ‘survival of the fittest’ which
justified European conquest of other continents, to the ‘civilising mission’ 7
of the colonial period and the ‘economic development’ policies which now
seek to integrate everyone within the global economy.
More benevolent images, supporting arguments in defence of the victims of
these brutal philosophies, are often ineffective and paternalistic. For Africa,
the issues in this one-sided Western debate with other cultures have
moved from the export of Africans as slaves to the conquest of their lands,
more recently to the formation of nation states, and now to the promotion
of capitalist economies through aid and development programmes. For the
West, ‘Darkest Africa’ became and remains a powerful symbol of the
primitive, and as far as art is concerned, ‘primitive’ often seems to be an
criterion for defining what is ‘African’. 8
Some Comments on ‘Primitive Art’ by Artists and Art Historians
... these cultures show developments more closely allied to the fundamental,
basic and essential drives of life that have not been buried under a multitude of
parasitical, non-essential desires.
From: Wingert, Primitive Art (Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 7
The increasing knowledge of the thinking of so-called primitive peoples, during
the last fifty years, has contributed a great deal to the change [in modern
cultures] – especially the acquaintance with works of art made by these people…
It may be refinement, celebrations, depth of mind, are on their side, not ours.
Personally, I believe very much in values of ‘savagery’; I mean: instinct, passion,
mood, violence, madness.
From: Jean Dubuffet, quoted (with parenthesis) in “Primitivism” in 20th Century
Art: Affinity of the Tribal with the Modern. (Museum of Modern Art, New York,
1985)
Picasso responded with intense emotion to a magical force he sensed in the
[“Tribal art”] objects he encountered in the Trocadero Museum. He regretted
that the Western tradition lost touch with the primordial sense of image-making
as a magic operation. Tribal art led him back to such origins.
From: “Primitivism” in 20th Century Art: Affinity of the Tribal with the Modern.
(Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1985), p. 17
Henry Moore writes of the inspiration he drew from exhibits in the British
Museum, now in the Museum of Mankind:
I was particularly interested in the African and Pacific sculptures and felt that
‘primitive’ was a misleading description of them, suggesting crudeness and
incompetence. It was obvious to me that these artists were not trying – and
failing – to represent the human form naturalistically, but that they had definite
traditions of their own.
From: Henry Moore at the British Museum (British Museum Publications, 1981),
p. 119
5 African Art or Western Exhibit?
Until the late 20th century, geographical and cultural barriers gave most
Westerners little opportunity to find out what people in Africa themselves
thought of the artefacts they made and used. But this has not been a
problem for those Western artists and art critics who maintain that such
objects can ‘speak for themselves’. To give their subjective impressions an
apparently objective value, some even proclaim universal standards of art
criticism and good taste. However, few art critics would deny that the
appreciation of art in the Western tradition is enhanced by knowledge of
classical mythology, medieval Christianity or 19th century European
culture. So why do they not draw upon African history and culture in the
same way when they make aesthetic assessments of African art? Would
their artistic judgements about African artefacts be confirmed by the
people who made or used them? Or have the objects viewed by art critics
been changed by their changing contexts, altering their significance, even
their appearance? As presented in books and museums, African artefacts
often produce a peculiarly Western kind of artistic experience: the art
exhibit.
We can see this most clearly in the kind of African artefact first recognised
as both ‘African’ and as ‘Art’. Since Renaissance times Europeans have
placed a special value on sculpture, which may explain why figurative
carvings and castings from such evocative Western symbols of African
culture, sometimes treated as if they outweighed all other African
contributions to human development. Such objects still dominate Western
books and exhibitions of African art and command the highest prices in the
art salesrooms of Europe and America. But is African sculpture really the
kind of art which Europeans take it to be?
When we visit a museum we are accustomed to see African carvings in
glass cases, standing on plinths, hanging from walls, much as they appear in
studio photos, carefully posed and lit. But in viewing such things in this
way, are we not indulging peculiarly Western fantasies of African art and
culture?
Certainly we are looking at African sculpture in a very different light from
that intended by its makers and original users. Are Westerners actually
more interested in creating their own fantasies about other people’s
cultures from the people who bear them? The comments of Western 10
critics often ‘speak for themselves’ more eloquently than any African art
exhibit.
Malcolm McLeod writes, To [Paolozzi] these societies [of “the native peoples of
America, Africa and the Pacific”] are ‘Lost Magic Kingdoms’, potent realms of the
imagination. The world he has imagined is not one which can be found in the
prosaic accounts of geographers or art historians. It is one which combines the
modern and the archaic, the prosaic and the fantastic, and which interpenetrates
his own experiences.
From: Lost Magic Kingdoms (British Museum Publications, 1985), page 5
Sally Price reflects on… the plight of objects from around the world that – in
some ways like the Africans who were captured and transported to unknown
lands during the slave trade – have been discovered, seized, commoditized,
stripped of their social ties, redefined in new settings, and reconceptualized to fit
into the economic, cultural, and ideological needs of people from different
societies.
From: Primitive Art in Civilized Places (University of Chicago Press, 1989), page 5
Some More Reflections from the Art Historians
A view from an eminent scholar of African art, Frank Willet:
The greatest contribution Africa has made so far to the cultural heritage of
mankind is its richly varied sculpture.
From: African Art (Thames & Hudson, 1971/1993), page 27
Susan Vogel comments on museum displays:
In their original African setting most works of art… were literally viewed
differently from the way we see them. Masks were seen as part of costumed
figures moving in performance, or not seen at all. Figures often stood in dark
shrines visible only to a few persons, and then under conditions of heightened
sensibility. Other objects were seen only swathed in cloth, surrounded by music,
covered with offerings or obscured by attachments. Most sculpture could be
seen only on rare occasions… the primacy of the visual sense over all others is
particular to our culture: African objects were made to belong to a broader realm
of experience. If we take them out of the dark, still their movement, quiet the
music, and strip them of additions, we make them accessible to our visual
culture, but we render them accessible to our visual culture, but we render them
unrecognizable or meaningless to the cultures they come from.
From: African Art in Anthropology, (the Centre for African Art, 1988)11
6 Woodcarving
Western sculpture has indeed found inspiration from some very distinctive
styles of African figurative wood-carving. But such sculpture is most
developed only in certain regions of Africa, particularly in West and Central
Africa where people still follow local religions rather than Islam or
Christianity and, predictably enough, where there are plenty of trees. As far
as art is concerned, these areas seem to be particularly African, perhaps
because the contrast between European and African forms is so striking
that it confirms the image of Africa as exotic and primitive. It may not be a
coincidence that these were also the principle areas from which Africans
were once exported as slaves in a trade which justified itself by accusing its
victims of savagery.
African carving develops from woodworking skills common to most men in
rural communities, who make many of the things they need in daily life.
Most carvings are cut from a single piece of wood using an adze, then
finished with a knife or chisel, and pieces are seldom joined, in contrast to
Western carpentry techniques. But although every man (seldom women)
may know how to handle the tools, the most elaborate carving requires
special aptitude and practice. Where there is a highly developed tradition
of figurative sculpture this may involve a long apprenticeship. Only by first
finishing work for an established master-carver, then imitating it, will the
apprentice become proficient enough to develop his own distinctive style
from the local sculptural conventions. He may also seek spiritual support
for his work through prayers and offerings to ensure its success.
When making things for their own communities, skilled sculptors usually
work to commissions, whether they are fashioning decorated utensils and
tools for everyday use, ceremonial objects or architectural features to
enhance the status of chiefs or kings, or images and masks to embody
invisible gods or spirits or to contain magical forces. The things they make,
and the styles in which they work are often as distinctive and varied as the
language and customs which distinguish each ethnic group from its
neighbours. Yet people may also make or use certain kinds of objects in
styles used by other ethnic groups, and the local origin or appearance of an
object may be less important than the purpose it serves. Indeed, this
purpose does not always depend on the appearance of the object at all, and
some sculptures are not even seen when in use. When the appearance of a
carving does matter, local people will judge it by what they already 12
understand about its purpose and the symbolic meanings it conveys, as art
historians do with Western art.
Further reading: Frank Willet, African Art (Thames & Hudson, 1971/1993),
chapters 5 and 6.
7 Masks
Some of the artefacts most evocative of African art for Europeans are
masks, or at least the things Europeans recognise as masks; usually
sculptures designed to represent and transform the human face. But what
they mean to those who make, wear and view them is another matter.
To begin with, masks in Africa are not just sculptures, and often they are
not sculptural at all. There are many reasons for disguising or transforming
a person’s appearance. In some parts of Africa men (and it is seldom
women) may dress to impersonate the spirits, male and female, whom they
wish to involve in human society, or to give these spirits a form they can
inhabit by possessing the wearer; or they may wish to repel hostile spiritual
forces. But of course the human-but-not-quite-human presence is also
designed to impress a human audience, usually with a dramatic show which
will stir emotions of awe, amusement, fear or excitement, sometimes all at
once, in a way that even the most imaginative sculpture cannot do when
mounted, disembodied, in a museum case. The whole person must be
transformed, usually with a fantastic costume to conceal the body, and
with the face covered by a carving, or by a piece of cloth with a carving on
tip of the head, or just cloth or fibre with no carving at all. Then the figure
needs to move, usually dancing to music in an atmosphere which evokes
the emotions of the audience, of the masker and maybe of the spirits too.
Such scenes would have been hard to imagine for audiences in Europe and
America when little more than sculptures and traveller’s writings reached
their museums and galleries. Today we have the benefits of photography,
film and video, even travelling performers and musicians, to demonstrate
the artistic power of masks and masquerading. Africans in other continents
have developed masquerades for new purposes, usually more entertaining
than religious, under the influence of rather different festival traditions
originating from Europe. What are we missing when we gaze at African
masks in glass exhibition cases? 13
8 Costume
Anthropologists have long treated African costume as ‘art’, and it is often
included in art books and museum collections. In some parts of the
continent, in the past and sometimes today, people actually wore very
little, and that was mostly what Europeans would recognise as ‘ornaments’
rather than ‘clothing’. Some painted their bodies in elaborate designs, or
marked them with permanent ornamental scars. Some plaited or sculpted
their hair into elaborate patterns or shapes. Some wore ornaments of
strung or woven glass beads, or shell, wire and other materials, local or
imported. And in the regions which have the longest history of migration
from Asia and Europe, people also wore more concealing garments of cloth,
especially in the Muslim areas of North Africa.
With the increase of European colonial trade, which reached all but the
remotest communities of Africa by the late 19th century, fabrics from
other parts of the world became more available, and so eventually did
Western styles of dress and manufactured clothing. The new colonial
countries were increasingly dominated by European and Asian immigrants
who proclaimed their own conventions of dress as marks of civilisation
while they sought out markets for cloth and clothing. What began as
exotic luxury goods for people who needed few clothes became necessities,
often adapted to new African styles of dress. Today, with every part of
Africa linked to these international markets, local costumes are often kept
only for special occasions, particularly when they involve more expensive,
hand-made, local crafts. Africans have been adopting, and adapting,
imported costume materials for centuries. Exactly when and how do their
exotic, traditional costume ‘arts’ become just plain ‘clothing’?
9 Textiles
Many parts of Africa have rich traditions for making and decorating cloth
which compare with textile arts from other parts of the world, with which
they are indeed interwoven. In many areas people once made bark cloth, a
kind of felt beaten from the bark of suitable trees, which is widespread in
tropical regions around the world. Woven cloth was being made in Egypt
5,000 years ago, and there are much more recent local weaving traditions 14
in most regions of Africa, particularly where a settled farming way of life
enabled people to develop the specialised skills required. Being labourintensive to make, most local cloth was valuable, used particularly by the
rich or kept for special occasions, and decorated in a range of techniques
and styles. Being durable and portable too, cloth has long been traded
within Africa and beyond.
The textile trade promoted by European colonisation introduced cloth to
new areas and provided new materials for local textile arts. African
technology changed, adopting industrial yarns and dyestuffs, machine
sewing, embroidery and appliqué in cheap and colourful imported cloth.
Many of the new styles and fashions which developed could only be
satisfied by industrial production, mostly in Europe. But although
manufactured cloth undermined some markets for handloom weaving, it
also stimulated new ones, and there may now be more hand-woven cloth
produced in Africa than ever before. Textile printing has developed too, as
a result of intercontinental textile trade going back to the 17th century.
Imported Indonesian batiks were imitated by the factories of England and
Holland during the 19th century, making colourful cotton prints for export
to West Africa, where factories now produce similar designs.
Although much of the cloth now worn in Africa is made industrially in other
continents, African textile arts continue to flourish. Some cloth is woven,
and more is printed, in factories in Africa, and most people can afford to
buy more clothes than ever before. In some areas this still gives scope for
the creativity of African textile workers as they adapt to new materials and
changing local fashions.
Further reading:
African Textiles by John Picton and John Mack
(British Museum Publications, 1979/1991)
North African Textiles by Chris Spring and Julie Hudson
(British Museum Press, 1995)
15
10 Weapons
Art historians would not consider the majority of weapons used in Africa
today to be particularly artistic or indeed African (although there is a
modern arms industry in South Africa). As in the arms trade today, the
hand weapons which Africans produced in the past were also as lethal as
their technology allowed, and indeed the most sophisticated local metal
technology was often devoted to weaponry, as it is in the West. But these
artefacts also gave scope for the creative imaginations of the African
craftsmen. During the colonial period this was recognised by the Europeans
who mounted African weapons as exotic wall displays, and now they
appear in saleroom catalogues as African art. The virtuosity of blacksmiths
in parts of central African in particular produced spectacular parade
weapons in elaborate shapes, and stimulated European fantasies of the
savage purposes these might have served.
But the arms trade to Africa is far older than the colonial period. From
medieval times the kingdoms of North Africa and the savannah region
south of the Sahara depended on large supplies of edged weapons from the
metalworking centres of Europe and southwest Asia. Further south,
weapons production depended more on local blacksmiths, who usually
inherited the secrets of an esoteric craft which kept them apart from the
communities they served. With the development of the trans-Atlantic
slave trade from the 16th century, many parts of southern and western
Africa became increasingly militarised, as trading communities and
kingdoms purchased guns from Europe to gain prosperity from the sale of
slaves.
But it was not until breech-loading, and later, repeating rifles became
available in the 19th century that guns began to give a decisive military
advantage over African hand weapons. Locally made weapons remained
important, if not for fighting, then as valuable possessions and appropriate
symbols of political authority. Ceremonial weapons enhanced the status of
rulers and officials, military officers or simply the young men who defended
their own communities. Defensive weapons such as shields and body
armour, also less effective against guns, have scope for decorative designs
to identify their bearers or intimidate their adversaries, and so did the
protective charms and amulets which often adorned military uniforms. 16
The kinds of African weapons which form such a large part of museum
collections are still used ceremonially in some parts of Africa, even more so
than archaic weapons in the state ceremonials of Europe. Some are still
used in anger when no more effective weapons are to hand, but their power
was eclipsed long ago by the arms trade with the industrial countries of the
north.
Further reading:
African Arms and Armour by Chris Spring (British Museum Press, 1993)
11 Pottery
Clay is a material with special artistic potential, not only because its
versatile plasticity, but also because, in Africa, it is mainly worked by
women. Only in the urban centres of North Africa, culturally close to the
rest of the Mediterranean, is there a longstanding tradition of making pots
on the wheel as a men’s craft. Elsewhere, wheel-turned and industrially
produced ceramics imported from Europe and Asia have long been a
desirable alternative to local pottery, as metal and plastic utensils are
today. In some countries, such as Nigeria, and in areas of European
immigration such as South Africa, these things are also manufactured
industrially.
Even so, hand-built African pottery is so cheap and practical to use that it
continues to be the essential equipment of households throughout the
continent. It is nearly always locally made by women, who often inherit
their skills within families in which the men work as blacksmiths. Their
work has not usually been regarded as very prestigious by Africans or of
great aesthetic interest by Western art historians. But local technology and
domestic requirements enable simple pots to take on regular and elegant
forms, often enhanced by surface decoration, and gives them a strong
tactile as well as visual appeal.
Such pots are usually made by pulling and coiling the basic shape, spreading
the clay by pressing and hammering. This requires only the simplest of
tools such as pieces of potshard, pebbles and sticks. The clay is mixed with
a high proportion of sand or organic matter as fill, and fired at a low
temperature in a bonfire. This produces a coarse ceramic, resilient enough
to cook in on the hearth and ideal for holding water, which cools by 17
evaporation from the surface of the pot. It may be finished with pressed,
incised, or modelled patterns, to aid grip and evaporation as well as for
decoration. Or, it may be more or less sealed, not by glazing but by
burnishing while leather hard, or coating with oil or vegetable liquor while
still hot from firing.
Since women are the main users of pots as well as their makers, the kind of
household post used for water and cooking are often treated as symbols of
women’s roles, of their bodies, and identities as wives and mothers. But for
special ceremonial or religious purposes, post may be modelled in relief or
in the round. The most elaborate, bearing human and animal sculptures are
not really pots at all. As such, they may be made by men or by women
past menopause. Clay is used for all sorts of other purposes too, from
lamps and braziers to tobacco pipes and drums, all of which depend on the
same basic pottery technology.
Further reading:
Smashing Pots: Feats of Clay from Africa by Nigel Barley
(British Museum Press, 1994)
Pottery is seen as dramatically endangered. It is probably more than a
coincidence that it is this ‘disappearing’ pottery that is the latest African
artefact to enter the Western art market. The beauty, elegance and
ingenuity of African pottery are beginning to gain wider appreciation just
as the sales catalogues announce its imminent extinction.
From: Nigel Barley, Smashing Pots (British Museum Press, 1994), p. 9
12 Art for What?
Since Europeans discovered ‘African art’, the notion seems to have
gradually expanded to from figurative sculpture to include more and more
types of African artefacts. However, the distinction between ‘art’, ‘craft’ or
other kinds of artefact would not have made much sense to most of the
African artists whose work now graces Western museums. This is not to
say that Africans do not have well-considered aesthetic judgements and
criticisms to make of each other’s work. Certain objects were intended to
have visual impact, to be aesthetically pleasing or disturbing and to convey 18
symbolic meanings, and they were assessed in these terms. But they were
seldom made just to be looked at ‘for arts’ sake’ as we say.
Most of the people who made the objects now regarded as ‘African art’
were skilled artisans working for a particular kind of clientele. Some
everyday utensils and textiles, tools and weapons, may have been made for
trade, exchanged for other goods or money with whoever needed them.
Some things, often special versions of utilitarian objects, were in demand as
valuables, to be given for particular ceremonial purposes such as marriage
or funeral gifts. Some objects, including some of the most elaborate and
expressive works were commissioned from their makers by religious and
political organisations for use in rituals and ceremonies, both public and
private. Some could only be made for titled community leaders, chiefs or
kings, to symbolise or celebrate their high status and political power. And
some things were made for Western markets.
The idea of ‘art’ as a particular field of activity is a peculiarly modern
European one, which even Europeans have problems defining, especially
when applying it to other cultures. But if Africans seldom created things
for the sake of art, does this really make them so different from the West?
We know that most of the older European pieces now in art galleries were
made to decorate palaces and shrines, to glorify the people who
commissioned them and their deities, while providing a living for the
artists, and we can read many of their symbolic messages about power,
status, religion and morality. Creating things for display in galleries and the
other public and private places governed by art experts is quite a recent
phenomenon, even in the West.
Is art for the gallery really less ‘applied’ to the social purposes of its time
than earlier traditions of African or European art? In the West at the end of
the 20th century, art serves some very particular purposes, not the least of
which is to provide commodities which can be bought and sold, sometimes
for very large sums. This monetary value, reflecting judgements on
authenticity as well as aesthetic and symbolic values, plays an essential
part in the role of art objects as status symbols for individuals or public
institutions, and there is a massive international business around the
exchange, reproduction and publication of such things. It is hardly
surprising to find Africans too creating art with an eye to this market. We
may debate the aesthetic and symbolic value of so-called ‘tourist art’ which
Africans mass-produce mainly for sale to Western buyers, but is it any less 19
a part of the art world than Western artists’ reproductions of ‘limited
editions’, or copies of famous Western works of art?
13 Galleries and Markets
Africans have been making things for sale abroad for hundreds of years, but
during the 20th century the African art market, governed by Western
artistic and commercial values, has had an increasing influence on African
products. On the one hand, large local craft industries have developed,
mass-producing the kind of objects that appeal to Western notions of
African culture as exotic, primitive and sometimes beautiful but often
crude, to be bought and sold as commodities for a Western market of
tourists and curio shoppers. At the same time, in Western societies where
manufactured objects are industrially mass-produced as commodities, the
uniqueness of personal creativity has itself become a commodity. In this
market, objects made for local use may acquire a commercial value out of
all proportion to their local economic value, often tempting African
peasants to sell personal and community heirlooms, their own or other
people’s, to dealers who pass them on at great profit to overseas collectors.
The market in status symbols and investments for Westerners attaches a
special value to things which are old, well used and hence apparently
authentically African. Faithful copies, however well made, are liable to be
denigrated as ‘fakes’, and are indeed often made to deceive those seeking
‘authentic’ African art.
Art historians acknowledge that an appreciation of art is enhanced by
understanding the purposes for which things were made and used and the
social and cultural contexts which give them their aesthetic and symbolic
value. For Western art we might want to go beyond the values which the
artists themselves proclaim to consider, also the social role of the galleries
and other places where it is displayed. And in a world now dominated by
the values of the market, perhaps we should also acknowledge the market
value which plays such an important part in our judgments of African as
well as Western art.
Africans also work as artists within this Western art market. Since the
colonial period an increasing number of Africans, often educated in the art
colleges of Europe and America, have been drawing upon their experience
of Western as well as African culture to develop new, often very individual, 20
styles and forms of objects as works of art. Like many of the educated
urban middle-class of Africa, they seem to find the relation between the
two traditions both enriching and full of troublesome contradictions, which
may be expressed in their work. They bring African forms and imagery to
an artistic purpose originating in the west; in the search for a new African
art which can hold its own in terms of Western artistic values without
losing its African identity. But the identity of the educated and
cosmopolitan African elite is rather different to that of rural villagers or
town craftsmen working within local artistic traditions. Now that so many
Africans work as artists in the Western sense within an increasingly
homogenous global culture, the next question may be, ‘What is so African
about African art?’ 21
More than twenty years ago the historian of African art Frank Willet asked;
What then is happening to art in Africa today? It is changing with the
times as it has always done, but whereas the traditional artist drew on
traditional forms to serve the needs of the community in which he lived –
and this still continues in many areas – the Western-trained artist has the
whole world on which to draw, and has still to find an adequate patronage
within Africa… the Western trained artists may well remain part of the
cosmopolitan world of art.
From: African Art by Frank Willet, (Thames & Hudson, 1971/1993)
